• by Humberto Márquez (caracas)
• Sunday, July 18, 2010
• Inter Press Service

When out-going Colombian President Álvaro Uribe charged Thursday that leftist guerrilla commanders from his country are in hiding in neighbouring Venezuela, he went a long way towards ensuring that his successor, Juan Manuel Santos, will inherit a volatile diplomatic dispute.

Uribe 'seems to want to round off the personal, political and economic controversies that have marked Colombia-Venezuela relations for the past five years, perhaps thinking that as a soon-to-be former president he doesn't have much to lose,' Carlos Romero, professor of international relations at the Central University of Venezuela, told IPS.

The Colombian president will pass the baton Aug. 7 to Santos, also of the Social Party of National Unity (known as the U Party), who served as his defence minister during years of vigorous efforts to fight the guerrillas and the illicit drug trade-- 'the policy of democratic security,' as the government dubbed it.

Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez had some harsh criticisms for Santos when he was defence minister, and later, as the U Party's presidential candidate, but when Santos won the run-off vote Jun. 20, a back-and-forth of conciliatory declarations began.

Santos stated that he is willing to 'smooth things over' and work with Venezuela to establish a relationship 'based on patience and diplomacy,' and invited Quito and Caracas 'to open the way to future cooperation.' Meanwhile, Chávez spoke of 'extending a hand to the new government' and that he was considering attending the inauguration of the new Colombian president.

'A favourable wind had begun to blow, until this week, not for fully harmonious relations, or differences ideas of democracy, economics or relations with Washington, but rather towards a 'modus vivendi' of tolerance and respect between the two governments. Until Uribe's move against Chávez,' commented Romero.

The Colombian President's office declared Thursday that it has evidence and the coordinates of Colombian leftist guerrilla commanders hiding in Colombia: four from the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and one from the National Liberation Army (ELN).

They are alleged to be members of the FARC's top ranks: Luciano Marín (alias Iván Márquez), Rodrigo Londoño (Timochenko), Rodrigo Granda (Ricardo González) and Germán Briceño (Grannobles, brother of rebel chief Jorge Briceño, or 'Mono Jojoy'), as well as Carlos Marín Guarín (Pablito), of the ELN.

According to Colombia's current defence minister, Gabriel Silva, the ELN chief Eliécer Chamorro (alias Antonio García) is also believed to be hiding in Venezuela.

Venezuela's foreign ministry rejected Bogotá's accusation as a 'new attack by Colombia's out-going president in his eagerness to conclude the effort to destroy Colombian-Venezuelan relations that he began with unhealthy obsession in recent years.'

Bilateral relations began a roller-coaster ride in January 2005, when Colombian agents abducted FARC leader, alias Rodrigo Granda, in Caracas and took him to Bogotá.

When Colombian military forces crossed into Ecuador, to the south, and killed FARC's second in command, Luis Edgar Devia Silva (alias Raúl Reyes), and around 20 others, Chávez ordered the mobilisation of troops and tanks to Venezuela's border with Colombia.

After Colombia opened seven bases to U.S. military forces in 2009, Chávez froze relations with Colombia. Bilateral trade between the two neighbours, which in 2008 surpassed 7 billion dollars, has seen a six-fold decline.

Uribe and Chávez have parried and reconciled with each other several times over the period, and name-calling has continued. According to the Venezuelan leader, his Colombian counterpart is 'a mafioso, a lackey, a pawn of the (U.S.) empire and paramilitary chief.'

'An already difficult relationship grew more complicated, with both governments seizing upon the ideological question and with an excess of diplomacy by microphone, ignoring that fact that each issue -- trade, borders, security -- needs to have its specific, institutional treatment,' Félix Arellano, director of the Central University's School of International Studies, told IPS.

The result could be 'a very serious situation,' said colleague Romero, because 'relations between the two countries could rupture before Santos is sworn in, leaving consequences for integration and regional stability.'

Chávez announced that not only will he stay home from Santos's inauguration (to which he was officially invited), 'if this foolishness continues, in the coming hours I will break off relations with Colombia, and that will make things much more difficult for restoring relations with the new government.'

Bogotá's response was to announce that it will take its accusations and evidence of the presence of Colombian guerrilla leaders in Venezuela to the Organisation of American States on Thursday, Jul. 22.

Former Colombian president Ernesto Samper (1994-1998, of the Liberal Party) said he is 'concerned because behind this there must be some interest in blocking the process of normalising relations, which president-elect Santos began to do when he clearly and emphatically invited President Chávez to his inauguration.'

Samper noted that just three weeks before the new president takes office this media scandal has erupted, 'based on supposed evidence that must have been in the government's hands for many months, if not years.'

In Venezuela, the chief editor of Últimas Noticias newspaper, Eleazar Díaz Rangel, said, 'It seems strange that the Colombian army intelligence services so easily detect the guerrilla leaders here, but are incapable of discovering where the guerrillas are in Colombian territory.'

In fact, four reporters and photographers from the Colombian television network RCN and Sarare Estéreo radio, who went looking for the ELN camp allegedly revealed by Uribe's government, were detained in southwest Venezuela and taken to Caracas.

Eduardo Márquez, president of the Colombian Federation of Journalists, called on Venezuelan authorities to release his colleagues, 'who, based on the magnitude of the information presented by Defence Minister Gabriel Silva, did what any reporter would do: go to the location to confirm or dispute what was stated.'

© Inter Press Service (2010) — All Rights Reserved. Original source: Inter Press Service

Where next?

Advertisement